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RESULTS OF BACKGROUND RESEARCH
Cultural History of the Bolton Area
The archaeological resources of Bolton are notably varied. They include ancient Native American encampments, but also colonial farms and nineteenth-century mills. Collectively, they represent a unique testament to the ingenuity, accomplishments, and land use practices of Bolton=s people over the last several thousand years. In this chapter, a series of narrative contexts summarize this cultural history, in order to enhance the interpretation of prehistoric and historic sites in the town.
Previous Archaeological Research in Central Massachusetts and Bolton
Interest in Native American sites probably existed throughout the early history of Worcester County, and is documented in town histories of the nineteenth century, such as Temple=s History of North Brookfield, Massachusetts (Temple 1887), and Emerson=s History of the Town of Douglas, Massachusetts (Emerson 1879). Although these sources described Native American sites and sometimes illustrated artifacts, the information they contain is limited, and usually of uncertain derivation (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985:21).
The first archaeological excavations in Worcester County took place in the late nineteenth century. Little archaeology had been conducted in the United States previously, and professional standards of excavation and publication were not established, rendering most work of this early time of limited use to later archaeologists. Subsequent attempts to salvage information from this work had mixed success (as in Bullen 1940). More common was the work of amateur archaeologists and relic hunters, who assembled collections of Native American artifacts from fields locally known to contain sites. Most of these collections are also of little value, as the importance of maintaining provenience information was not often recognized.
During the early part of the twentieth century, the Massachusetts Archaeological Society was established, and with it the first systematic recording of sites (see Robbins 1949). In Worcester County, the Nipmuc Chapter was established by Elmer Ekblaw, Ripley Bullen, Karl Dodge, Laurence Gahan, and C.C. Ferguson (Ekblaw 1949). The chapter began organizing information, documenting excavations, and initiating more research in the region (Bullen 1940, 1948; Dodge 1965; Ferguson 1947). Unfortunately, even this work was often not fully documented, as most early reports were not particularly detailed (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985:23). Research continued into the 1950s and 1960s, documenting a soapstone quarry in Millbury (Fowler 1966), a Paleoindian site in Mendon (Roop 1963), and large sites in the Brookfield area (Dodge 1965; Keith
1965).
The 1970s saw the beginning of cultural resource management archaeology, and a substantial increase in the amount of research. Most of this work consisted of small areas proposed for development, and the documentation of individual sites, but some exceptions focused on regional integration of information (as in Anthony 1978; Public Archaeology Laboratory 1978). This work continued into the 1980s and 1990s, increasing in frequency, but still consisting of small-scale areas of focus, and the occasional synthesis (as in Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985). Artifact collections from the region have also been documented, identifying the types of resources expected from the local area (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1982, 1983).
Archaeological research within the town of Bolton can be seen primarily in the context of the cultural research management work of the 1980s and 1990s. As of 1999, eight archaeological projects had been reported that include sections of Bolton. Six of these projects were related to potential pipeline construction through multiple towns, three of which involved no subsurface testing (O=Steen 1987; O=Steen et al. 1988; O=Steen 1989). The other three pipeline projects did include actual excavation, one of which recorded the first Native American site recorded in Bolton (Jones et al. 1992), while the other two did not yield any new information from the town (Macomber et al. 1990a, 1990b). The other two projects consisted of a reconnaissance related to a soil conservation in multiple towns, which did not include excavation and
found no sites in Bolton (Skinas 1995), and a survey related to the International Golf Club (Rainey and Mair 1999). The latter project identified two Native American sites in Bolton, and one in adjacent Lancaster. In addition, a historic site was recorded along Ballville Road.
Bolton is among the towns in Massachusetts that have seen recent archaeological work outside the context of cultural resource management projects. The Bolton Historical Commission has been active in recording numerous historic archaeological sites in the town, ranging from milldams and buildings, to locations of former historic buildings and cemeteries, to unique features such as a town pound, historic tomb, and industrial sites. In addition, the Bolton Conservation Trust and the Bolton Historical Society co-sponsored an archaeological project at the site of the seventeenth-century Whitcomb Garrison site. The project recovered seventeenth and eighteenth century domestic artifacts that provide evidence of the early history of the town of Bolton.
Native American Context of Southern New England
As is the case throughout the Northeast, evidence for Paleoindian Period (13,000-10,000 B.P. [Before Present]) occupation in central Massachusetts is sparse. Material thought to be of this age has been recovered from the Chicopee drainage to the southwest of Bolton. This includes the Paleoindian hallmark artifact type, the fluted point, from unconfirmed sites along the Ware River and along the Nashua River in Lancaster (Anthony 1978; Johnson and Mahlstedt 1982, 1983), as well as the middle and east branches of the Swift River (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985:26-28). The only Paleoindian material to have been recovered as the result of scientific excavations comes from the Mill River site (19-WR-110), located in Mendon in the southern part of the county (Roop 1963:23-24).
Evidence from the greater Northeast indicates that Paleoindians first settled in the area not long following the retreat of the Wisconsin glacier, which vacated New England by around 13,000 years ago. Recent calibration of radiocarbon dates based on ice cores, marine and lake varves, and sea coral indicate that the initial settlement of North America from Beringia is earlier than previously thought, clustering around 13,400-13,000 B.P. in the west, midwest, and southeast (Fiedel 1999). First settlement in the Northeast appears to be slightly later than in the western part of North America (Haynes et al. 1984), but certainly by 12,500 years ago. Claims for slightly earlier occupation of North America (as at the Meadowcroft Rockshelter in western Pennsylvania [Adovasio et al. 1978, 1980]) to much earlier inhabitation (see
Meltzer 1989; Lynch 1990) remains unconvincing to most archaeologists.
A tundra environment succeeded the Wisconsin glacier, and was, in turn, replaced by a spruce-parkland community (Davis and Jacobsen 1985; Gaudreau 1986; Jacobsen et al. 1987). Paleoindians living in these post-glacial ecological contexts have traditionally been characterized as hunters and gatherers who subsisted primarily on several large species of animals known to have herded in the Northeast, including the mastodon and mammoth. Little evidence of human interaction with these Amegafauna@ has been forthcoming, however, and more recent interpretations have focused on smaller species such as caribou and elk as primary food sources (Curran 1987; Curran and Dincauze 1977; Dincauze 1990; Dincauze and Curran 1984). This generalization may also have problems, emphasizing the reliance placed on these herding species when a wider
range of resources was important to Paleoindian peoples.
No house features, burials, or ceremonial objects have been recovered from Paleoindian sites in the Northeast. This lack of data is the product of 10,000 years of organic decay, geological forces, and urban development impacting the archaeological record. All that remains of this time, in most cases, are stone tools. Projectile points with a distinctive basal flute can be identified as originating from this time, as this style occurs across North America in the Paleoindian era. Little else is ever found in addition to fluted points, making interpretation of Paleoindian lifeways difficult.
Based on ethnographic analogy, it is assumed that peoples of this time were seasonally nomadic, following the movement of game with the changing weather conditions of the year. Similarities in artifact forms among Paleoindians all across North America argue for a generalized character of adaptation, with few specializations to local conditions evident (Haynes 1980:119). A correlate of this fact is that population densities among Paleoindians were almost certainly very low. Raw materials utilized by these first inhabitants come from only a few sources, often from relatively distant locations (Spiess and Wilson 1989). This may indicate a high degree of mobility, established trade networks and/or a high frequency of interaction among units of population.
The time period following Paleoindian occupation, but predating the use of pottery and horticulture, has been designated the Archaic period by North American archaeologists. The Early Archaic Period (10,000-8000 B.P.) is thought to be a time of environmental change with a generally low population density. Because very few sites dating to this period have been discovered, little is known of Early Archaic lifeways. Harsh conditions and rapidly evolving environments may have contributed to both a scarce occupation of the area during this time period, as well as to the destruction of existing sites through landscape changes. Poor recognition of sites of this early date may also contribute to the lack of information on Early Archaic artifacts and lifeways. Evidence from the greater Northeast indicates that large hilltop
sites were no longer as important as in the preceding period. In fact, sites are generally smaller, probably indicating that large bands were not utilized as social units. Large herds of game were apparently gone by this time, explaining the lesser importance of hilltop sites. As in the preceding period, tool types are uniform across the Northeast, but by this time the tools were being more frequently made of local materials (Braun and Braun 1994:29-31). It is likely that a smaller, localized population structure was developing.
There is, at present, no consensus as to how people of the Early Archaic period were related to those of the preceding Paleoindian period. Some researchers have argued that there is a "clear discontinuity" between Paleoindian and Early Archaic peoples, following some type of ecological over-exploitation (Ritchie 1969:16; Snow 1980:157-159). Others see important technological similarities that are interpreted as evidence of continued occupation by Paleoindian descendants during the Archaic period (Custer 1984). The present lack of data, whether due to environmental degradation, urban development, or simple scarcity of sites, prevents firm conclusions either way, despite arguments to that effect.
Bifurcate-base projectile points are the hallmark artifact of the Early Archaic period in southern New England. The distribution of bifurcate-base point surface finds indicates that people were present throughout New England at this time (Dincauze and Mulholland 1977). A bifurcate-base point was recovered at the Mill River site in Mendon, along with other materials assumed to be of this age (Roop 1963:22). The largest sample of Early Archaic materials in this region is located in the Chicopee drainage, where seven sites have been previously recorded (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985:30). No information is available on sites of this time period from the Bolton area. However, at least sixteen bifurcate-base projectile points have been reported from sites along the lower Sudbury and upper Concord rivers (Ritchie et al. 1990).
Important sites in the Northeast that form the basis of generalizations on the Early Archaic are the Titicut site in eastern Massachusetts (Robbins 1967), the Hollowell site on Staten Island, New York (Ritchie and Funk 1971), and the Weirs Beach site in New Hampshire (Bolian 1980).
During the Middle Archaic Period (8000-6000 B.P.) environmental conditions in the area began to approach those of today. The deciduous forest became established, providing a diverse array of plant and animal foods (Dincauze 1976; Dincauze and Mulholland 1977). Sites of this time period are more numerous than those of the Early Archaic, but still rare in comparison to subsequent stages. Again, one of the highest densities of previously recorded sites lies along the Chicopee drainage, though this, in all likelihood, represents the greater intensity of collecting in this area rather than the distribution of actual settlement. A large cluster of Middle Archaic sites is also known from the Concord drainage, to the east of the project area (Donta n.d.). Five sites of this time period are previously recorded from the Ware
River system to the west of Bolton. Within the Nashua drainage, Middle Archaic sites have been recorded from Fort Devens in Lancaster, near a small upland pond in Leominster (19-WE-371), and on the Nashua in Ayer. Archaeological materials from southern New England provide evidence of significant local populations at this time, indicating a substantial degree of population growth had occurred by the end of this period (Mulholland 1984).
The variety of site locations occupied by people during the Middle Archaic period indicate that a multi-site settlement system had become established. Supporting evidence for this rests in a variety of tool assemblages and recovered faunal material (Dincauze and Mulholland 1977; Barber 1979). It is likely that this seasonal settlement system had begun during the preceding Early Archaic period (Ritchie 1984), though the scant evidence for this time hinders attaching any degree of certainty to this interpretation. Sites of this time are sometimes large, appear to be reused, and include sizable midden dumps, as at the Neville site in New Hampshire (Dincauze 1976). This indicates that the settlement system included permanent or semi-permanent base camps to which social groups returned. Anadromous fish may have been an important
resource, as is interpreted for the important Neville site in southeastern New Hampshire (Dincauze 1976).
The first evidence of religious beliefs becomes available at this time, though only from a few select sites. The most informative is L=Anse Amour, at the southeastern tip of Labrador. A Middle Archaic burial mound was excavated here, which included evidence of fire, the use of red ocher, and numerous grave goods (McGhee and Tuck 1975). This collection of materials may be interpreted as indicative of a belief in the afterlife.
There are presently three major projectile point styles that are recognized as diagnostic of the Middle Archaic period. These were defined by Dincauze on the basis of excavations at the Neville site (Dincauze 1976). They are: the Neville point, dating from approximately 8000-7000 B.P.; the Stark, from around 7700-7200 B.P.; and the Merrimack, from close to 7200 B.P. to the end of the period. In central Massachusetts, at least twenty-two sites have been recognized to contain these diagnostic types (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985:31). Other artifacts used during this time include atlatls or throwing sticks, knives, perforators, axes, adzes, scrapers, abraders, ulus (semi-lunar ground stone knives), gouges, and harpoons.
Late Archaic Period (6000-3000 B.P.) sites in New England are much more numerous than in previous periods. Peoples of southern New England at this time occupied a wide variety of environmental settings (Mulholland 1984:277-280), and there appears to be a significant diversity in site type and function. Modern environmental conditions were present and the wild resources available were the same as those observed by the early European settlers and explorers. Population densities may have been sufficient to result in the development of multiple ethnic groups in the Northeast (Dincauze 1974). Three cultural traditions have been identified based on artifactual materials: the Laurentian, Susquehanna, and Small-Stemmed, all of which are present in the central part of the state, although Small-Stemmed materials may be the most
common in this area. Along with the development of multiple traditions, increased specialization and the exploitation of a broad spectrum of resources are interpreted for this time period.
Late Archaic sites are numerous in Worcester County. Nearly half of these sites are located along the Chicopee drainage, with a substantial number also from along the Ware River. However, fewer sites are previously recorded from the northern part of the state (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985:33-39). In Bolton, Small-Stemmed artifacts were recovered from sites identified by Dale Farrell along the Still River. Other Late Archaic sites tested in the vicinity are previously recorded from Pepperell, Shirley, Westborough, and Lincoln. The Charlestown Meadows site in Westborough yielded Jacks Reef and Vosburg projectile points, in addition to a radiocarbon date of 5100+/-250 years (Hoffman 1990; Donta and Mulholland 1994). The Oak Knoll site in Lincoln was the site of a butchering station approximately 2,850 years ago, where Orient
Fishtail bifaces were re-sharpened and used as knives around a hearth (Donta 2001).
The relationship between the three recognized Late Archaic traditions remains unclear, after decades of debate (Ritchie 1971; Dincauze 1974, 1975). Laurentian materials are more numerous in the central and western parts of the state, raising the possibility that this tradition represents an interior, upland adaptation. An alternative interpretation is that the Laurentian, part of the greater Lake Forest tradition which has a distribution that extends from New Brunswick to Wisconsin, represents some form of ethnic identity. Laurentian materials appearing approximately 4,500 years ago may be indications of some form of population movement, probably originating from the Great Lakes region.
The significance of the more common Susquehanna and Small-Stemmed traditions is not previously recorded. Dincauze has suggested that the two represent different populations, with the former consisting of an intrusive group, which peacefully coexisted with the latter people for some thousands of years (Dincauze 1974, 1975). Alternative explanations include the possibility that these traditions are somehow different in function, representing different types of tool kits. At present, there is some agreement that the technological precedents for Susquehanna tools are found in the southeastern United States, ultimately deriving from Middle Archaic stemmed biface types in this region. Small-Stemmed, or Narrow-Point tradition artifacts, are widely viewed as a pan-Northeastern phenomenon, probably deriving from the indigenous people
of the northeastern Middle Archaic. It is likely that the presence of Small-Stemmed and Susquehanna artifacts in a single site represents some combination of technological exchange and population mixture, varying depending on the location (Ritchie 1969; Dincauze 1976; Snow 1980; Custer 1984; Bourque 1995).
Late Archaic sites are more common in central Massachusetts than in previous periods. In fact, throughout southern New England, sites dating from the fifth and fourth millennia (5000-3000 B.P.) are the greatest in number of any time period (Mulholland 1984). However, the large representation for this time period may be somewhat overstated, due to the over-reliance on certain projectile point styles as temporal markers of the Late Archaic. Small-Stemmed points are the most common artifact styles of this era, and they have traditionally been utilized as a diagnostic for the Late Archaic. However, closer examination of radiocarbon dates associated with this point style show a wider range, extending well past the 3000 B.P. end date for this period. It is likely that a substantial number of sites currently attributed to the Late
Archaic actually postdate this period (Filios 1990).
It is thought that people of the Late Archaic period in southern New England developed a more locally focused subsistence economy than during previous times. This may be due to increasing population levels, requiring groups to remain in more confined territories to avoid encroaching on others. Some degree of sedentism is interpreted by at least the end of the period, based on changes in subsistence strategy. Shell middens begin to appear in some coastal locations, indicating increased use of shoreline resources (Bourque 1976). Extensive fish weirs have also been documented for this time, where large numbers of fish could be speared in an organized manner (Johnson 1949). Some limited experimenting with cultigens also occurred, the idea probably spreading from the southeastern and central part of the continent. Squash, gourds,
and sunflowers grew wild in parts of the northeast, and a few Late Archaic people began to purposefully plant these species to supplement their diets.
There is also more information on the ceremonial life of Late Archaic times. Burial sites are much more commonly encountered in excavations, providing a glimpse at the religious beliefs of the era. The ARed Paint People@ of Northern New England and the Canadian Maritimes are one example. These people used large quantities of red ocher and included decorated tools and ornaments in the burials of some of their dead (Sanger 1973; Tuck 1976). Another burial site of note is the Wapanucket site in southeastern Massachusetts (Robbins 1980), which also included tools and red ocher. Cremation burials of the Susquehanna tradition are present across New England, featuring stone and bone artifacts and faunal remains (Dincauze 1968).
The third major era of prehistoric times is called the Woodland period. This period was originally defined to include a broad area of the Northeast, encompassing new technologies such as ceramics, the bow and arrow, and horticulture involving exotics such as corn. As with the Archaic period, archaeologists have divided the Woodland into three stages, used to demarcate changes in adaptation.
The Early Woodland Period (3000-2000 B.P.) has generally been considered a period of population decline following a cultural fluorescence during the Late Archaic. Site numbers are lower, and site locations are more frequently restricted to coastal lowlands and river valleys. These characterizations, however, are based on the traditional association of several widespread forms of projectile points with only the Late Archaic period. Recent research indicates that Small-Stemmed and Susquehanna point styles are found to frequently postdate the 3000 B.P. end date for the Late Archaic (Funk and Pfeiffer 1988; Filios 1989). The likely interpretation to be gleaned from this information is that the Early Woodland is merely under-represented in the existing corpus of site files, rather than in actual number of sites. Should a
method of correcting this bias be established, it is probable that the Early Woodland would have to be re-characterized as continuing some trends of the Late Archaic, such as population increase, while new technologies became a part of life.
Some changes in subsistence strategy are apparent during this time, probably representing a continuation of the Late Archaic trend toward a more localized, semi-sedentary settlement system. The more permanent types of camps were established along the coast or inland watercourses, where waterfowl, fish, and sea mammals could be easily exploited. Shellfish were also taken, although it seems that these were not a major dietary component until the Middle Woodland. Despite an increasingly localized focus of subsistence, the pattern remained one of hunting and gathering, particularly along water bodies where fish could be included in the daily fare. Technological changes are an important component of how archaeologists understand the Early Woodland period. This millennium witnessed the first widespread use of ceramics across the
Northeast. Traditionally, ceramics were thought to coincide with the appearance of horticultural practices, serving as a convenient means of storing the surplus foods obtained through purposeful planting. It is now known that in most of New England, cultigens were not an important part of the subsistence routine for at least 1,500 years after ceramics became established in the area.
The rich burial ceremonialism of the Late Archaic continued into the Early Woodland, with exotic artifacts such as gorgets, birdstones, pottery pipes, copper beads, and red ocher placed in graves with human remains (Ritchie 1965; Ritchie and Funk 1973; Spence and Fox 1986). The significance of these religious practices is not known, but they do not appear to reflect any kind of hierarchical social relationships. The presence of exotic goods in sites provides evidence of established trade routes that extend to the Midwestern section of the continent, where the Adena complex was well established.
Much remains to be understood about this time period. Hindered by confusion with the Late Archaic period, sites of the Early Woodland often go unrecognized, or are misinterpreted. Early and Middle Woodland materials, as is the case throughout much of southern New England, are not especially abundant in the local area. One of the most important Early Woodland sites is an Adena-related cemetery, located in the Chicopee drainage (Keith 1965). Other sites of this time are reported from West Boylston, Harvard, and numerous sites along the Assabet and Sudbury drainages in Middlesex County. In contrast to the relative scarcity of Early Woodland sites, Late Woodland sites are more numerous throughout most of Worcester County (Johnson and Mahlstedt 1985:40-44).
The Middle Woodland Period (2000-1000 B.P.) witnessed a continuation of trends of the Early Woodland. Again, however, technological innovations provide evidence of change. This part of the Woodland period is differentiated from the preceding millennium by a change from simply decorated ceramics to widespread use of more elaborately decorated wares. No functional interpretation for this change appears accepted; rather, the increased decoration probably has to do more with style and ethnic identification, a traditional archaeological interpretation. Another new technology became important: the bow and arrow is thought to have become a part of regional technology at this time.
Subsistence trends of the Early Woodland continued. Large semi-permanent, or perhaps even year-round, settlements were utilized by this time (see McManamon 1984). These locations were supported by specialized subsistence foci, such as shellfish, fish, and sea mammals. The first large shell middens appear in the archaeological record at this time. The presence of shell middens may be related to the establishment of mature shellfish beds following the post-glacial stabilization in sea levels. Continued experimentation with horticulture using local cultigens is inferred for this time, though evidence for such activity is rarely preserved.
The frequently elaborate burial ceremonialism of the Late Archaic and Early Woodland periods was rarely seen during this millennium. The reasons for this are not clear. Contact between neighboring areas of the region are thought to have been important, as exotic lithic materials were still frequently used throughout most of the Northeast.
The Late Woodland Period (1000-450 B.P.) represents the end of the prehistoric era. It is during this and the preceding period that the pattern of settlement witnessed by the first European explorers became established. Also during this time, horticulture, including exotic domesticates such as corn and beans, became a widespread and occasionally important dietary element. There is more evidence of permanent settlements, or at least locations that were used for much of the year, especially on the coasts (Carlson 1986; Yesner 1988). It has traditionally been assumed, in part due to the early historic descriptions, that permanent settlement became widespread as a result of a dependence on corn. However, corn is infrequently found at sites in New England, despite all efforts to recover evidence for its use (Bumstead 1980;
Thomas 1991). A more likely interpretation for the trend toward more permanent settlements is an increase in population, territoriality, and conflict. Regardless of the role of domesticated plants in the overall diet, wild plants and animals were still very important in daily subsistence (Mulholland 1988).
In many parts of the Northeast, subsistence and settlement were still based on a hunting/gathering/fishing system with seasonally based camps. Deer, rabbit, birds, and sea mammals were hunted, while fish and shellfish were taken, and a wide variety of plants and vegetables were collected. The growing population levels may have in part prompted some to turn to horticulture to relieve a decreasing degree of flexibility in food sources. Other mechanisms adopted included using more marginal areas and expanding the variety of foods to include what had previously been considered less desirable resources (Luedtke 1980; Lightfoot 1985).
Less is known about Late Woodland religious beliefs than in the earlier phases of this period. While burials are still found from this time, the ceremonialism attached to human remains seems to have waned by about 1,000 years ago. Burials are often unadorned, and sometimes include many individuals. Grave goods are not commonly found, but sometimes do occur in small numbers. Why the decrease in burial ceremonialism occurred is not fully understood.
During the Late Woodland period, the ethnic identities encountered by European explorers came into full form. In New York State, the Iroquois and Mohawks established their territories and core areas of settlement, including some permanent villages. In southern New England, the Pawtuckets, Nipmucs, Massachusetts, Wampanoags, Pequots, Nehantics, Mohicans, and other groups came into form, with each group developing relationships with particular geographic areas. Most of these ethnic groups or nations were composed of smaller tribal entities that were based around a permanent meeting place or village. Trade routes and patterns of conflict between these groups also became established.
The end of the prehistoric era is designated as the arrival of Europeans in the Northeast, who recorded the first written or historic records. The end of the Woodland period is thus somewhat varied, depending upon the exact area considered. European contacts with the area began at the very end of the fifteenth century, with Italian, Portuguese, and French explorers reaching coastal locations by the year 1500. In some cases, interior areas of New England were not contacted directly for many years following this date.
Archaeological Implications. Numerous undisturbed Native American sites are predicted to exist in Bolton, from all periods of occupation beginning some 10,000 years ago to the historic period. While there are only nine sites on record at the MHC (two of which were identified in this survey), the low number is more a product of the low frequency of archaeological surveys in Bolton, rather than reflecting low Native American populations. The largest sites are predicted to be located in the northwestern part of town where the Still River and its wide floodplain are located. Of all the environmental characteristics conducive to Native site location, well-drained, level ground, in proximity to a large stream or other large water body, rank the highest. It is in these riverine areas that adjacent dry ground is available on
which to erect shelters; soils are replenished periodically making them suitable for horticulture (in recent years); a freshwater source (and transportation corridor) is at hand; aquatic and many animal species attracted by the water source are available; and cattails and other economically important aquatic vegetation species are abundant.
Interestingly, the sites that are on record in Bolton reflect occupation during the Late Archaic period (5,000 to 3,000 years ago). Following the Late Archaic, there is an apparent gap in occupation until the Late Woodland period approximately 400-1,000 years ago. This does not mean that sites earlier than 5,000, or between 3,000 and 1,000, are not located in Bolton, only that the numbers may have been lower than the Late Archaic and Late Woodland period.
The period from 5,000 to 3,000 was a time when Native people spread throughout the interior of southern New England occupying diverse environments (Dincauze 1974, 1990). While the main streams and lakes were still occupied by larger sites during this time, small sites were established near every conceivable water and raw material source, especially wetlands. Paleo-environmental studies suggest that conditions for available food improved during this time. Anadromous fish (shad and possibly salmon) were available on many of the main streams. Pollen analysis from cores across southern New England show that interior Massachusetts had a relatively low percentage of oak trees until approximately 4,500 years ago (Mulholland 1984; Bernabo and Webb 1977). The forests of 4,500 years ago experienced an early floral catastrophe that
lead to the decline of much of the hemlock population in New England. The cause for the decline is still unknown but is believed to have been an as yet unidentified pathogen (Webb 1982:570). The resulting loss of this economically barren species was a resurgence of oak trees, whose plentiful acorns provided abundant food for humans as well as supporting important animal species such as the Virginia Deer. The gradual increase in oak trees continued through European Contact period. Thus, it is not surprising that the archaeological record for Bolton is dominated with sites from the Late Archaic.
While oak and other nutritionally important species such as hickory and chestnut remained in abundance through the Late Woodland period, climate was cooler in the Bolton area than in western and southern communities. The number of frost-free days in the area averages in the 120-day range (Mulholland 1993), far lower than in the east and south. This would have had a negative effect on horticulture. Horticulture had become established in the region at around 1,000 years ago (the Late Woodland period) and is attributed by some to be the cause for a rise in Native population. Some Bolton sites date to the Late Woodland period, but they are fewer than those of the Late Archaic.
The observed gap between 3,000 and 1,000 years ago roughly follows a regional trend in which sites slightly increased in the coastal zone and declined in the interior (Mulholland 1984 and others). This may reflect a slight climatic decline at this time which would have affected the growing seasons of many plant species.
Note: Site location information is provided here in the original report. Site locations are confidential to avoid vandalism and looting.
Native American sites usually are buried below the surface. Sites may become visible if erosion or other disturbance has taken place. Typical eroded or otherwise disturbed sites may be characterized by broken pieces of fire-reddened rock used in cooking; tiny sharp Aflakes@ of quartz, quartzite, rhyolite and chert; charcoal and burned bone, and less often projectile points (Aarrowheads@) and brown muddy ceramic sherds (Table 2). Eroded sites should be brought to the attention of the Historical Commission, site forms completed, and plans made to stabilize the site. Artifact collection and vandalism should be discouraged.
The Bolton area contains sites that could shed light on the occupation of the New England interior. This is a topic that has been studied before, but by no means intensively. In the future, many archaeological surveys will take place in Bolton as development spreads through the town. In these and other surveys, research questions that could be addressed in include: Why are sites for the periods of 10,000 to 5,000 and 3,000 to 1,000 underrepresented in Bolton? Is this a real pattern or is it related to survey bias? Do the abutting towns have the same pattern of occupation through time? What was the importance, if any, of anadromous fish to Native Populations in Bolton? What was the attraction of Native people to the repeatedly occupied Schultz site which was located well away from the main stream? Are there other large,
long-term occupation sites in town in similar interior locations? What was the use of wetland plant species by Native people through time? Do Bolton=s wetland borders contain small Native sites? On the floodplain of the meandering Still River, does the regional pattern of old sites on the highest ground and recent sites nearest the water exist? What are the sources of rhyolites and other lithic raw materials? Is there evidence of European Contact period sites in town?
Native Occupants in Bolton During the Contact Period (1550-1620 A.D.)
At the time of the first European arrival in the area, southern New England was occupied by Eastern Algonquian tribes (Salwen 1978). All Algonquians spoke related languages, which differed from the Iroquoian languages prevalent in New York State and southern Canada. Central Massachusetts, and present-day Worcester County, was occupied by the Nipmucs, an Algonquian subgroup. The Nipmucs were closely related to the Algonquian speakers of the Connecticut River Valley in western Massachusetts, called the Pocumtucks. Both groups were regarded as the Loup (Wolf) by the French, and spoke dialects of a language designated as Loup A (Goddard 1978). The Nipmuc also shared close ties with the Massachusett speakers of the eastern part of the state, including the Pawtuckets, Massachusetts, and Wampanoags. To the south of the Nipmucs were
the Narragansetts and Pequots. Social divisions between the groups was more fluid than is often represented in the division of New England Natives into formal Atribes@
The Nipmucs were composed of a number of subgroups who spoke a mutually intelligible language, although possibly with some dialectical differences. The boundaries of the subgroups appear to have been indefinite or fluid (see Johnson 1993), but were probably based on natural geographical boundaries (Connole 1976). One of these subgroups, the Nashaways, occupied the Nashua River valley, including Bolton and Lancaster. Other Nipmuc subgroups were the Quabogs of Brookfield, Quinsigamonds of Worcester, and Waushacums of Sterling (Gahan 1941).
Nipmuc subgroups were composed of political units called Asachemships@ by historic sources. This comes from the word sachem, which was a standardization of the various dialectical versions (sontim, sachim, saunchem, sagamore) of the Proto-Algonquian sakimawa, meaning chief (Goddard and Bragdon 1988:2). The sachemship consisted of the sachem and his family; the chief men, who formed a council, and their high-ranking families; common people; and others (Bragdon 1996:140-143; Johnson 1993). The sachem was usually male, and a member of a privileged family or lineage. Early sources indicate that social status was inherited, and the position of sachem was passed down along male lines, although not necessarily directly from father to son (Simmons and Aubin 1975:24). Legitimacy is a useful concept in understanding leadership, and
was comprised of a combination of genealogy and action, both being used to bolster power (Johnson 1993). Chief men and their families also inherited their positions, which required them to advise the sachem, who in turn needed their consent to make his wishes binding (Goddard and Bragdon 1988:3). Common people also inherited their membership in the sachemship, naturally owing allegiance to their respective leaders, who represented their land and their ancestors, and who would make decisions affecting their descendants. The consent of the people was needed by the council and sachem regarding important matters such as warfare and matters of the land (Simmons 1986:13). In addition, there are some elements of Nipmuc society that are not clearly understood. Slaves and servants were reportedly a part of the culture, but little is known about these people (Mayhew 1694:9; Williams 1936:5). Some specialized roles have also been identified, such as military leaders (Trumbull 1903:67) and
tribute collectors (Winslow 1910[1624]:55, 57).
Sachemships were associated with specific geographic locations, known to all area sachems and their followers. The fluid nature of Nipmuc territory and political leadership, undoubtedly exacerbated by the radical changes impacting Native communities in the seventeenth century, is the main source of confusion in the historic descriptions of Native society and territories. Further, the fact that none of the Native political units conformed to the European concepts of bounded village lands made them difficult for early European observers to comprehend (Johnson 1993).
The Nipmucs were semi-sedentary horticulturalists who relied on cultigens such as corn, beans, and squash that were grown on the flood plains of rivers such as the Nashua, as well as wild plants and game. Families lived in circular houses known as wigwams, constructed with poles bound inward and covered with bark or mats. People slept on platforms or on mats, blankets, or furs on the ground, next to the fire. Early historic reports indicate that the people moved seasonally to areas known to have resources available at those times of year, such as wetlands, rivers, forests, and fields.
Trade was well established along ancient routes, in manufactured goods such as steatite vessels and pipes, wooden bowls and spoons, clothing, and raw materials like shell and copper (Bragdon 1996:80-98). Trade was one important component of alliances, which served to defend territory and establish and legitimize authority (Johnson 1993).
Native groups in the area were already experiencing dramatic changes in their traditional ways of life by the seventeenth century, or even in the late sixteenth century. Epidemics of smallpox and other diseases in many parts of New England in 1615-1619 and possibly earlier reduced local population sizes by 90 percent (Spiess and Spiess 1987; Carlson et al. 1992), altering traditional practices and social life. It is estimated that, prior to the influx of European diseases, the total Nipmuc population probably numbered in several thousands. No pre-Contact estimates are available, and as it is not clear whether other tribal groups were included among those later defined by colonists as Nipmucs.
Native Occupants in Bolton During the Historic Period (after 1620 A.D.)
Much remains to be learned about the Native American inhabitants of Bolton prior to the arrival of colonial settlers in the late seventeenth century. It is known that Native settlements were present in Lancaster along the Nashua River (Nashaway), and in the southern part of Sterling (Waushacum). However, as the town is located in close proximity to two known Native villages, Bolton was undoubtedly important for transportation, and probably also for seasonal sites, such as fishing and hunting camps.
At least two major ancient trails passed through the town of Bolton. The Old Bay Path and North Bay Path led from the Nashaway village in Lancaster to the east, through Bolton. The North Bay Path follows what is now Route 117, into Stow, through Concord, and east to Massachusetts Bay. The Old Bay Path runs southeast through the town, along Old Bay, Farm, Bolton, and Spectacle Hill Roads into what is now Hudson and east through Sudbury (Whitcomb 1988:37).
Some early historic reports indicate that the Nipmucs of the southern Worcester plateau were tributary to the Pequots, and possibly also the Narragansetts (Gookin 1972; see also Salisbury 1974). This entailed paying periodic tribute in the form of wampum or goods, in exchange for maintaining some form of truce. Following the Pequot War of 1637, this tributary relationship collapsed, and the existing traditional relationships became less predictable. The Nipmucs then faced new challenges as the pace of European settlement greatly increased west from the initial settlements at Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay.
By the time of first European settlement, the Native American population, and the number and size of Native settlements had already dropped significantly. In 1642, a trader from Watertown by the name of Thomas King purchased an eight by ten mile tract of land from the Nashaway sachem Sholan. Like most other sachems in New England, Sholan completed a transaction that he believed offered the new settlers use of the land, but not permanent rights that would affect Nipmucs= hunting grounds. King erected a trading post that proved prosperous and attracted Native traders throughout central Massachusetts (Marvin 1879). European settlement of the area was delayed by the difficulty in crossing the large Sudbury River, but by the early 1650s an agricultural village had formed consisting of some twenty English families. The Nashaway
plantation was officially incorporated in 1653.
The Nipmucs were divided into pro-war and anti-war parties when King Philip=s War erupted in 1675. The insurgency was led by the Wampanoags= sachem Metacom, also known as King Philip (Leach 1958). The pro-war faction dominated in the Nashua Valley, in the area of the colonial settlements of Lancaster and Groton, and led by the sachem of Nashaways, Shoshonin. Under the leadership of Shoshonin, also known as Sagamore Sam, the Nashaway band of Nipmucs joined the fighting in King Philip=s War during the summer of 1675, leading attacks on the English settlements at Lancaster, Medfield, and Northfield. Other Nipmuc sachems were also important in the war, including Muttawmp, who was a leader in the Native victories at New Braintree, Brookfield, Bloody Brook, and Sudbury; Monoco, who was involved in Lancaster and Northfield, and led
the attack on Groton; and Matoonas of Pachacoog (Schultz and Tougias 1999:44).
In February 1676, the English settlement at Lancaster was burned. Many inhabitants were killed, and others were taken hostage, including Mary Rowlandson, whose narrative of the experience became widely known. Groton was attacked in March of 1676, with similar results. During the war, the few Nipmucs who were considered neutral were rounded up and sent to a Aplantation of confinement@ at Nashoba. Using the Nipmuc country as a base, Metacom launched a series of raids throughout New England that continued until he was finally captured and killed in August of 1676.
Following the death of Metacom, organized Native resistance against the English ended. However, the English continued hostilities against all Native peoples, hunting down and executing any Nipmucs they felt had collaborated with Metacom. Other Nipmucs were sold as slaves, while a few managed to escape, and joined other Native peoples at settlements in St. Francois, Quebec, Mohican villages on the Hudson and Housatonic, and Munsee villages in northern New Jersey (Grumet 1995:104).
During King Philip=s War, the Native population of New England, already heavily impacted by disease and prior conflicts, was further reduced. It is estimated that 3,000 Native Americans died during the conflict, perhaps as much as 15 percent of the population (Schultz and Tougias 1999:5). Many hundreds of others were also captured and sold as slaves in the West Indies. After the war, most of the remaining Native peoples were gathered and placed on small reservations, or were collected into a number of APraying Towns@ supervised by Puritan missionaries (Cogley 1999). Confined to mixed communities after 1680, many traditions and tribal identities of New England Native peoples disappeared within a few decades. Even the small amount of land allotted for Native settlements was further eroded by European encroachment over the
succeeding generations. The Hassanamesit Reservation contained 8,000 acres in 1728 when the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Apurchased@ the land. A small number of Nipmucs continued to live in the region, with communities in the eighteenth century in Worcester, Webster, Grafton, and Uxbridge and in smaller numbers throughout many other towns of Worcester, Middlesex, and Norfolk counties, and in Connecticut.
Almost 250 years after the Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth, the Massachusetts legislature in 1869 finally passed a law granting citizenship to the Nipmuc. The Chaubunagungamaug band of Nipmuc currently have 4 acres of land in Webster, Massachusetts, and the Hassanamisco band in Massachusetts have 4 acres of land in Grafton. Recent applications for federal recognition list 1,640 members for the Hassanamisco Band, and 335 members for the Chaubunagungamaug.
Archaeological Implications. Archaeological sites representing the historic period of Native occupation are extremely rare throughout the region. The period covers only approximately 200 years, a fraction of time in prehistory. The Contact period was a period of turmoil with mobile groups passing through the area, either participating in warfare or fleeing from it. It is also a time when Natives were adopting new European material culture. There is no question that some sites containing Levanna stone tools and Native pottery may date to the historic period. Some sites of the period may contain artifacts representing both the Native and European cultures. To date, no Contact period of later Historic period sites are on record, but this may change as surveys are conducted in the future. There is mention of Native
presence in historic times. The area east of Bolton Center and east of Long Hill has been called Wigwam Brook historically (Whitcomb 1988). Contact period sites are likely to contain stone tool styles such as Levanna and Jack=s Reef; brass and iron Aarrowheads@ made from traded sheet metal or kettles; occasionally Aarrowheads@ made from European flint carried as ballast in shops; brown, crumbly Native pottery; European-like red wares, brass spoons, Italian glass beads, iron axes, iron hoes and other tools, etc. (Table 3). Historic period Native Americans often lived in small wooden houses modelled after the European style, but often a part of the year was spent in wigwam-like structures in the traditional resource gathering locations. Thus, distinguishing between pre-Contact and Historic period sites can, at times, be difficult. Native burial grounds may be unmarked and thus vulnerable to development. In some communities, historic Native cemeteries are marked with un-engraved field
stones, and occasionally one or two engraved stones.
In neighboring Lancaster and Sterling and nearby Grafton, there were areas set aside for Native American settlement. For a short time these areas may have been occupied by most Natives living in the area following King Philip=s War. It is probably that the existence of these areas drastically reduced the Native population from Bolton and the surrounding communities. The dearth of Native people in Bolton was evident in the census of 1760 in which AIndian@ residents were counted. None were residing in Bolton.
In future archaeological surveys Contact period sites may be identified. Research Questions that could be addressed include the following: Are Historic-period Native sites underrepresented in Bolton in comparison to other upland communities? Is there evidence of historic period Native people occupying the Still River area? Are there Contact period sites in the other towns bordering the Still River? Do Native people resettle Bolton after King Philip=s War? Does the assimilation of European tools among Native Americans parallel that observed in other communities? Is there evidence of the persistence of Native tool making techniques into the historic period?
European-American Settlement Contexts
As historical and archaeological information was gathered during the present community-wide reconnaissance, Archaeological Services assigned temporary archaeological site numbers to known and inferred site locations in chronological order of their recording. In some cases, sites had previously been reported to the MHC. In the following text, the names of archaeological sites are followed by site numbers assigned by the MHC. These numbers correspond to the survey unit maps (Bolton Historical Commission files) and tables included in this report. Many of the historic archaeological sites are derived from historic maps. These maps include Holman and Longley (1794), Holman (1831), Walling (1857), Beers (1870), Richards (1898), and USGS quadrangle maps beginning in 1898 (Figures 6-13).
Government and Demography in Bolton (Public Sites)
The Town of Bolton was originally part of Lancaster and the Nashaway Plantation, established on the western frontier of the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1642. Bolton was the southeastern extremity of a tract of land, measuring eight by ten miles, purchased by Thomas King of Watertown from the sachem Solan of the Nashaway Nipmucs in 1643 (Whitney 1793). Sections of Old Lancaster were later sectioned off and became parts of the towns of Harvard (1732), Bolton (1738), Leominster (1740), Berlin (1784), Sterling (1781), Boylston (1786), and Clinton (1850). Thus, Lancaster and Bolton share a common history prior to the mid-eighteenth century.
Bolton derived many benefits from the establishment of its town center on the Great Road, which was the primary east-west thoroughfare in the region. The first meetinghouse, common, and residential cluster were accompanied by nearby grist and sawmills and farmland on Great Brook. In the colonial period, the town center featured several commercial concerns, provided lodging to stagecoach passengers, and was linked to the regional core areas of Lancaster and Worcester (Steinitz et al. 1985). During the nineteenth century, the development of Bolton Center and other center villages in the region Awas both the material manifestation of contemporary economic experience and an elaboration of an existing settlement system@ (Wood and Steinitz 1997).
The archaeological resources in Bolton related to the civic history of the town include the locations of meetinghouses, churches, schoolhouses, and cemeteries. Bolton=s first town burial ground, the Old South Cemetery (MHC 800), was established about a half-mile south of the town center in 1739. The Old Fry Cemetery (MHC 805), a Quaker cemetery located in Fryville, was established during the Colonial period, possibly as early as 1750. By 1820, the Old South Cemetery had reached its capacity so two new town cemeteries were established in 1822. The West Cemetery (MHC 802) was established about a mile and a half northwest of the town center and is located on what is today Green Road. The Pan Cemetery (MHC 801) was established about a mile and a half east of the town center and is located on what is today Main Street. In 1844, a
new Quaker Cemetery (MHC 803) was established about a quarter of a mile north of the Second Quaker Meetinghouse on what is today Berlin Road. A smallpox cemetery (MHC 804), located off Sugar Road, contains two burials from 1845.
Government and Demography in the Plantation Period (1620-1675). Colonial settlement of the Lancaster area (which originally included Bolton) commenced in 1643, and the municipality known as Lancaster was delineated in 1653 and 1654 (Worcester County 1879). Apparently, Thomas King and a few others bought the land as an investment, hoping to find iron ore deposits. Disappointed, King sold his trading house, shortly before 1647. In 1653, there were nine colonial families in Lancaster, and their petition for the incorporation was granted in May of that year (Marvin 1879).
There were two primary areas of residential settlement in Old Lancaster during this period. One was on The Neck, while the other was located between George Hill and the South Branch of the Nashua River. The first meetinghouse and burying ground were located between the residential areas at the point where two river branches converge (Marvin 1879). Farming was the dominant economic activity in early Lancaster, and continued to be central for many years. The territory was attracti
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